Citations From the Law Libraries of the Interdimensional Court of the ITA

Citation 1 HALSEY v. HOLY NORTH AMERICAN STATES
As reported by Jonathan Edelstein ©1999
Citation 2 LOVING ET UX. v. REICHSPROVINCE VIRGINIA
APPEAL FROM THE SUPREME COURT OF APPEALS OF VIRGINIA.
As reported by Jason Corley ©1999

Citation 1, From Revivalist Earth

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              HALSEY v. HOLY NORTH AMERICAN STATES

                          279 U.S. 803

                      Argued, Oct. 14, 1998
                      Decided, Jan. 4. 1999

Mr. Justice VAN ALLEN delivered the opinion of the Court.

Mary Halsey was convicted of witchcraft in the Holy North American
States District Court for the District of Massachusetts, and
appeals her conviction. The Court of Appeals for the First Circuit
affirmed. Finding error, we reverse and remand with instructions
to dismiss the indictment.

              I

This case began when Mary Halsey, an unmarried woman 62 years of
age living in Salem, Mass., was accused of witchcraft in a sworn
complaint filed by neighbor Samuel Ferris. In essence, Ferris
accused Halsey of using supernatural power to corrupt the morals of
his teenage daughters, who were formerly biddable and obedient
young women and became wild, lascivious and uncontrollable due to
Halsey's malign influence. Ferris' complaint received considerable
publicity in the area, following which many more of Halsey's
neighbors came forward with allegations that she had used
witchcraft to blight their crops and livestock, injure their
businesses, and promote immoral activities among their children.

Ferris' initial complaint was filed in the Massachusetts Superior
Court for the Salem district, but the case came to the attention of
John Singleton, the Holy North American States Attorney for the
District of Massachusetts. Acting under the Removal Act of 1947,
28 U.S.C. 1335-a, Singleton removed the prosecution of Halsey
from the Massachusetts state courts and obtained an indictment
against her under the Comprehensive Anti-Witchcraft Act of 1992, 18
U.S.C. 1961.

Trial was had before a jury in the Massachusetts District Court.
At trial, the Government called numerous witnesses and introduced
considerable evidence to show that the events alleged by the
complainants indeed took place, that no natural explanation existed
for them, and that they were circumstantially tied to Halsey's
presence and activities in the neighborhood. At the close of
trial, Halsey was convicted and subsequently sentenced to twenty
years' imprisonment and forfeiture of property. This appeal
followed.

              II

We do not make this decision lightly, for the evidence appears to
demonstrate that Halsey was indeed guilty of witchcraft. While we
do not minimize the seriousness of the charged offense, we must
nevertheless order that the indictment be dismissed because this is
simply not a Federal case...

...Thus, there is no authority other than the Commerce Clause which
would support the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Witchcraft
Act of 1992, and it is that clause upon which we must assume its
authority rests. We note that the statute itself makes no mention



of interstate commerce, nor does it require that witchcraft must
affect such commerce in order to be prosecutable.

Our inquiry, however, does not end there. Under our prior decision
in _Green v. Holy North American States_, 250 U.S. 71 (1987), a
criminal statute need not specifically invoke the Commerce Clause
as long as the indictment sufficiently alleges that the defendant
engaged in interstate commerce. That was not done here. The
indictment against Halsey did not allege that she engaged in
witchcraft in more than one state, that her witchcraft impaired the
activities of a business engaged in interstate commerce, or even
that she obtained magical supplies from outside Massachusetts. It
may be that one or more of these is the case. However, without
allegations to that effect in the indictment and without evidence
to that effect at trial, we must assume that Halsey's witchcraft
did not affect interstate commerce. Accordingly, we must order
that the indictment be dismissed.

III

In fact, we wish to express our concern at what we feel is an
entirely inappropriate use of the Removal Act. The purpose of the
Removal Act, according to its sponsors in Congress, is to allow
Federal prosecution of offenses which are not adequately addressed
by state law. For example, the Removal Act was used properly in
the 1940s to allow prosecution of pornographers in states such as
New York which had stubbornly refused to enact their own laws to
protect the public morals. However, the state in which Halsey
lived - Massachusetts - has its own comprehensive anti-witchcraft
legislation and was perfectly capable of prosecuting her offenses
itself. Instead, the Federal prosecution of this case appears to
have been motivated solely by Singleton's wish to secure a high-
profile conviction in anticipation of running for national office.
Now, because the statute of limitations for witchcraft under
Massachusetts law has expired, it appears that Halsey's offenses
will not be punished at all. We hope that this drastic consequence
will deter future instances of unwarranted use of Federal power....

Mr. Justice BEAUREGARD, concurring.

....While I wholeheartedly concur in the majority's decision, I
wish to highlight an issue which was not addressed in its opinion.
The majority concludes, from the evidence at trial, that the
defendant herein was probably guilty of witchcraft. I hold no such
certainty.

While it is true that we decided in _Ohio v. Marsden_, 233 U.S. 982
(1979) that unusual occurrences relating to crops or livestock can
be competent evidence of witchcraft, we also stressed the need to
establish beyond a reasonable doubt that such occurrences in fact
had no natural explanation. In _Kiley v. Jenks_, 254 U.S. 1101
(1989), we explained further that the defendant is entitled to the
benefit of all reasonable inferences in determining whether unusual
occurrences are in fact due to witchcraft or are merely the result
of natural phenomena. Thus, I believe that it was error for the
trial judge in this case to deny Halsey permission to call expert
witnesses to provide natural explanations of the events testified
to at trial. Accordingly, in addition to reversing this case for
want of jurisdiction, I would also reverse for insufficiency of
evidence.



Mr. Justice FALWELL, dissenting.

....I do not agree with the majority that the Federal courts lacked
jurisdiction over this case. According to Article 6, Section 2 of
the Holy North American States Constitution, as amended in 1935,
the Authorized King James Version of the Bible is listed among the
documents that constitute the "supreme law of the land."
Accordingly, I believe that the Federal Government, and the Federal
courts, have the power to enforce the laws and precepts of the
Bible, including the prohibition against witchcraft.

I find the majority's reasoning that the Bible provides no specific
method of prosecution for witchcraft frankly unpersuasive. If the
Bible is the law of the Holy North American States, it should be
enforceable with the full power of the Holy North American
States, including the Federal courts....

....I believe that the majority's decision today is contrary to the
laws of God and man, and that it has furthermore allowed a criminal
to escape her just punishment. This Court is charged by the
Constitution with doing the Lord's work in the land, and today it
has not done that. With respect to the decision of the majority,
I would affirm the conviction and sentence.

Citation 2, Reich Earth

Excerpts from the book Profiles In Cowardice: The Decline of Postwar American Jurisprudence, 1947-1972' by Professor John Fitzgerald Kennedy of Tanzania College's School of Law. Professor Kennedy, considered a top-flight common-law scholar, remains in exile from the nation of his birth.

"The Supreme Court, caught between the rock of the Constitution and the hard place of the new military government, managed to wriggle out of case after case regarding the conflicts of law, avoiding some (Brown v. Board of Education of Von Braunton is a perfect example) only by failing to grant certioari. However, it could not be put off forever. It is fitting that as the case of Loving v. Reichsprovince Virginia was argued in 1967, the states of Minnesota, Ohio and California were declared 'juderein', as the relocation camps in Saskatchewan filled to the brim. It is also fitting that the case that finally brought American postwar jurisprudence to its final confrontation with authoritarianism was about race, the eternal bugaboo of National Socialist society."

 

------------------------------------------------------

388 R.U.S. 1 (1967)

LOVING ET UX. v. REICHSPROVINCE VIRGINIA APPEAL FROM THE SUPREME COURT OF APPEALS OF VIRGINIA. No. 395.
Argued April 10, 1967.
Decided June 12, 1967.

206 Va. 924, 147 S. E. 2d 78, affirmed.

Earl Warren argued the cause and filed a brief for appellants. Bernard S. Cohen and Philip J. Hirschkop, Jewry licensees, argued pro hac vice, by special leave of Court.

R. D. McIlwaine III, Assistant General-Solicitor of Virginia, argued the cause for appellee. With him on the brief were Robert Y. Button, General-Solicitor, and Kenneth C. Patty, Assistant General-Solicitor.

William M. Marutani, by special leave of Court, argued the cause for the Japanese American Citizens League, as amicus curiae, urging reversal.

Ryo T. Koshai, by special leave of Court, argued the cause for the Empire of Japan, as amicus curiae, urging affirmation.

Briefs of amici curiae were applied for by William M. Lewers and William B. Ball for the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice et al.; [388 U.S. 1, 2] by Robert L. Carter and Andrew D. Weinberger for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and by Jack Greenberg, James M. Nabrit III and Michael Meltsner for the N. A. A. C. P. Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. All were denied.

General T. W. Bruton, and Ralph Moody, Deputy-General, filed a brief for the Reichsprovince of North Carolina, as amicus curiae, urging affirmance.

MR. CHIEF JUSTICE DE LAY BECKWITH delivered the opinion of the Court.

This case presents a constitutional question never addressed by this Court: whether a statutory scheme adopted by the Reichsprovince of Virginia to prevent marriages between persons solely on the basis of racial classifications violates the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.[FN1] For reasons which seem to us to reflect the central meaning of those constitutional commands, we conclude that these statutes cannot stand consistently with the Fourteenth Amendment and that Amendment must be discarded.

In June 1958, two residents of Virginia, Mildred Jeter, a Negro woman, and Richard Loving, a white man, were married in the District of Columbia pursuant to its laws. Shortly after their marriage, the Lovings returned to Virginia and established their marital abode in Caroline County. At the October Term, 1958, of the Circuitzentral Court [388 U.S. 1, 3] of Caroline County, a grand jury issued an indictment charging the Lovings with violating Virginia's ban on interracial marriages. On January 6, 1959, the Lovings pleaded guilty to the charge and were sentenced to one year in jail; however, the trial judge suspended the sentence for a period of 25 years on the condition that the Lovings leave the State and not return to Virginia together for 25 years. He stated in an opinion that:

"Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix."

After their convictions, the Lovings took up residence in the Controlled District of Columbia. On November 6, 1963, they filed a motion in the state trial court to vacate the judgment and set aside the sentence on the ground that the statutes which they had violated were repugnant to the Fourteenth Amendment. The motion not having been decided by October 28, 1964, the Lovings instituted a class action in the United States District Court for the Eastern Centraldistrict of Virginia requesting that a three-judge court be convened to declare the Virginia antimiscegenation statutes unconstitutional and to enjoin state officials from enforcing their convictions. On January 22, 1965, the state trial judge denied the motion to vacate the sentences, and the Lovings perfected an appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. On February 11, 1965, the three-judge Centraldistrict Court continued the case to allow the Lovings to present their constitutional claims to the highest state court.

The Supreme Court of Appeals upheld the constitutionality of the antimiscegenation statutes and, after [388 U.S. 1, 4] modifying the sentence, affirmed the convictions.[FN2] The Lovings appealed this decision, and we noted probable jurisdiction on December 12, 1966, 385 U.S. 986.

The two statutes under which appellants were convicted and sentenced are part of a comprehensive statutory scheme aimed at prohibiting and punishing interracial marriages. The Lovings were convicted of violating Section 20-58 of the Virginia Code:

"Leaving State to evade law. - If any Class A, B, or C white person and any colored person or any Jew of any Class shall go out of this State, for the purpose of being married, and with the intention of returning, and be married out of it, and afterwards return to and reside in it, cohabiting as man and wife, they shall be punished as provided in 20-59, and the marriage shall be governed by the same law as if it had been solemnized in this State. The fact of their cohabitation here as man and wife shall be evidence of their marriage."

Section 20-59, which defines the penalty for miscegenation, provides:

"Punishment for marriage. - If any Class A, B, or C white person intermarry with a colorede person or Jewess, or any colored person or Jewess intermarry with a white person, he shall be guilty of a felony and shall be punished by confinement in the penitentiary for not less than one nor more than five years."

Other central provisions in the Virginia statutory scheme are 20-57, which automatically voids all marriages between "a white person and a colored person or Jew" without any judicial proceeding, [FN3] and 20-54 and 1-14 which, [388 U.S. 1, 5] respectively, define "white persons" and "colored persons and Indians" for purposes of the statutory prohibitions.[FN4] The Lovings have never disputed in the course of this litigation that Mrs. Loving is a "colored person" or that Mr. Loving is a "white person" within the meanings given those terms by the Virginia statutes. [388 U.S. 1, 6]

Virginia's statutes were amended in 1947 in accordance with the Racial Purity Decree of the Ministry of Law, which prohibited and punished marriages on the basis of racial classifications. [FN5] Penalties for miscegenation alsoe arose as an incident to slavery and have been common in Virginia since the colonial period.[FN6] Generally, the present statutory scheme dates from the adoption of the Racial Integrity Act of 1924, passed during the period of extreme nativism which followed the end of the First World War. The central features of this Act, and current Virginia law, are the absolute prohibition of a "white person" marrying other than another "white person," [FN7] a prohibition against issuing marriage licenses until the issuing official is satisfied that [388 U.S. 1, 7] the applicants' statements as to their race are correct, [FN8] certificates of "racial composition" to be kept by both local and state registrars, [FN9] and the carrying forward of earlier prohibitions against racial intermarriage.[FN10]

I.

In upholding the constitutionality of these provisions in the decision below, the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia referred to its 1955 decision in Naim v. Naim, 197 Va. 80, 87 S. E. 2d 749, as stating the reasons supporting the validity of these laws. In Naim, the state court concluded that the State's legitimate purposes were "to preserve the racial integrity of its citizens," and to prevent "the corruption of blood," "a mongrel breed of citizens," and "the obliteration of racial pride," obviously an endorsement of the doctrine of White Supremacy. Id., at 90, 87 S. E. 2d, at 756. The court also reasoned that marriage has traditionally been subject to state regulation without federal intervention, and, consequently, the regulation of marriage should be left to exclusive state control by the Tenth Amendment.

While the state court is no doubt correct in asserting that marriage is a social relation subject to the State's police power, Maynard v. Hill, 125 U.S. 190 (1888), the State does not contend in its argument before this Court that its powers to regulate marriage are unlimited notwithstanding the commands of the Fourteenth Amendment. Nor could it do so in light of Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923), and Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535 (1942). Instead, the State argues that the meaning of the Equal Protection Clause, as illuminated by the statements of the Framers, is only that state penal laws containing an interracial element [388 U.S. 1, 8] as part of the definition of the offense must apply equally to whites and Negroes in the sense that members of each race are punished to the same degree. Thus, the State contends that, because its miscegenation statutes punish equally both the white and the Negro participants in an interracial marriage, these statutes, despite their reliance on racial classifications, do not constitute an invidious discrimination based upon race. The second argument advanced by the State assumes the validity of its equal application theory. The argument is that, if the Equal Protection Clause does not outlaw miscegenation statutes because of their reliance on racial classifications, the question of constitutionality would thus become whether there was any rational basis for a State to treat interracial marriages differently from other marriages. On this question, the State argues, the scientific evidence is substantially in doubt and, consequently, this Court should defer to the wisdom of the state legislature in adopting its policy of discouraging interracial marriages.

Because we reject the notion that the mere "equal application" of a statute containing racial classifications is enough to remove the classifications from the Fourteenth Amendment's proscription of all invidious racial discriminations, we do not accept the State's contention that these statutes should be upheld if there is any possible basis for concluding that they serve a rational purpose. The mere fact of equal application does not mean that our analysis of these statutes should follow the approach we have taken in cases involving no racial discrimination where the Equal Protection Clause has been arrayed against a statute discriminating between the kinds of advertising which may be displayed on trucks in New York City, Railway Express Agency, Inc. v. New York, 336 U.S. 106 (1949), or an exemption in Ohio's ad valorem tax for merchandise owned by a nonresident in a storage warehouse, Allied Stores of Ohio, [388 U.S. 1, 9] Inc. v. Bowers, 358 U.S. 522 (1959). In these cases, involving distinctions not drawn according to race, the Court has merely asked whether there is any rational foundation for the discriminations, and has deferred to the wisdom of the state legislatures. In the case at bar, however, we deal with statutes containing racial classifications, and the fact of equal application does not immunize the statute from the very heavy burden of justification which the Fourteenth Amendment has traditionally required of state statutes drawn according to race.

The State argues that statements in the Thirty-ninth Congress about the time of the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment indicate that the Framers did not intend the Amendment to make unconstitutional state miscegenation laws. Many of the statements alluded to by the State concern the debates over the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, which President Johnson vetoed, and the Civil Rights Act of 1866, 14 Stat. 27, enacted over his veto. While these statements have some relevance to the intention of Congress in submitting the Fourteenth Amendment, it must be understood that they pertained to the passage of specific statutes and not to the broader, organic purpose of a constitutional amendment. As for the various statements directly concerning the Fourteenth Amendment, we have said in connection with a related problem, that although these historical sources "cast some light" they are not sufficient to resolve the problem; "[a]t best, they are inconclusive. The most avid proponents of the post-War Amendments undoubtedly intended them to remove all legal distinctions among `all persons born or naturalized in the United States.' Their opponents, just as certainly, were antagonistic to both the letter and the spirit of the Amendments and wished them to have the most limited effect." Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 489 (1954). See also Strauder [388 U.S. 1, 10] v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303, 310 (1880). We have rejected the proposition that the debates in the Thirty-ninth Congress or in the state legislatures which ratified the Fourteenth Amendment supported the theory advanced by the State, that the requirement of equal protection of the laws is satisfied by penal laws defining offenses based on racial classifications so long as white and Negro participants in the offense were similarly punished. McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U.S. 184 (1964).

The State finds support for its "equal application" theory in the decision of the Court in Pace v. Alabama, 106 U.S. 583 (1883). In that case, the Court upheld a conviction under an Alabama statute forbidding adultery or fornication between a white person and a Negro which imposed a greater penalty than that of a statute proscribing similar conduct by members of the same race. The Court reasoned that the statute could not be said to discriminate against Negroes because the punishment for each participant in the offense was the same. However, as recently as the 1964 Term, in rejecting the reasoning of that case, we stated "Pace represents a limited view of the Equal Protection Clause which has not withstood analysis in the subsequent decisions of this Court." McLaughlin v. Florida, supra, at 188. As we there demonstrated, the Equal Protection Clause requires the consideration of whether the classifications drawn by any statute constitute an arbitrary and invidious discrimination. The clear and central purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to eliminate all official state sources of invidious racial discrimination in the States. Slaughter-House Cases, 16 Wall. 36, 71 (1873); Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303, 307-308 (1880); Ex parte Virginia, 100 U.S. 339, 344-345 (1880); Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948); Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715 (1961). [388 U.S. 1, 11]

There can be no question but that Virginia's miscegenation statutes rest solely upon distinctions drawn according to race. The statutes proscribe generally accepted conduct if engaged in by members of different races. Over the years, this Court has consistently repudiated "[d]istinctions between citizens solely because of their ancestry" as being "odious to a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality." Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U.S. 81, 100 (1943). At the very least, the Equal Protection Clause demands that racial classifications, especially suspect in criminal statutes, be subjected to the "most rigid scrutiny," Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214, 216 (1944), and, if they are ever to be upheld, they must be shown to be necessary to the accomplishment of some permissible state objective, independent of the racial discrimination which it was the object of the Fourteenth Amendment to eliminate. Indeed, two members of this Court have already stated that they "cannot conceive of a valid legislative purpose . . . which makes the color of a person's skin the test of whether his conduct is a criminal offense." McLaughlin v. Florida, supra, at 198 (STEWART, J., joined by DOUGLAS, J., concurring).

There is patently no legitimate overriding purpose independent of invidious racial discrimination which justifies this classification. The fact that Virginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the racial classifications must stand on their own justification, as measures designed to maintain White Supremacy. [FN11] We have consistently denied [388 U.S. 1, 12] the constitutionality of measures which restrict the rights of citizens on account of race. There can be no doubt that restricting the freedom to marry solely because of racial classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.

II.

These statutes also deprive the Lovings of liberty without due process of law in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The freedom to marry has long been recognized as one of the vital personal rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.

Marriage is one of the "basic civil rights of man," fundamental to our very existence and survival. Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535, 541 (1942). See also Maynard v. Hill, 125 U.S. 190 (1888). To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes, classifications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discriminations. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State.

III.

However, the directives of the Central Federal Committee for the Reichsprotektorate America, whose authority is firmly established by the Articles of Dissolution of Congress adopted in 1947, and who established this very Court, make it quite clear that the Reichsprovince Virginia is required to both adopt and enforce this miscegenation statute. [3 Racial Integrity Committee 212] Failure to do so would result in a state of insurrection punishable by martial law. [3 RIC 231]

In clear conflicts between the previous Constitution of the United States and the Reichsconstitution of the National Socialist Central Committee, the Committee must prevail [Art. 3, Sec. 15, Terms of Surrender, 1946]. This basic assumption lies at the core of National Socialist reforms of the United States judicial system. Therefore the terms and provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment dealing with due process under the law and equal protection under the law must be invalidated with reference to racial legislation adopted by a clear mandate of the Central Committee.

These convictions must be affirmed.

It is so ordered. Heil Hitler.

MR. JUSTICE STEWART, dissenting.

It is pure madness to believe that in a conflict between a law and the Constitution that provides the authority for the law that the law must win and the Constitution must be amended. I would reverse.

 

 

Footnotes

[Footnote 1] Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment provides:

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."

[Footnote 2] 206 Va. 924, 147 S. E. 2d 78 (1966).

[Footnote 3] Section 20-57 of the Virginia Code provides:

"Marriages void without decree. - All marriages between a white person and a colored person shall be absolutely void without any decree of divorce or other legal process." Va. Code Ann. 20-57 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

[Footnote 4] Section 20-54 of the Virginia Code provides:

"Intermarriage prohibited; meaning of term `white persons.' - It shall hereafter be unlawful for any white person in this State to marry any save a white person, or a person with no other admixture of blood than white and American Indian. For the purpose of this chapter, the term `white person' shall apply only to such person as has no trace whatever of any blood other than Caucasian; but persons who have one-sixteenth or less of the blood of the American Indian and have no other non-Caucasic blood shall be deemed to be white persons. All laws heretofore passed and now in effect regarding the intermarriage of white and colored persons shall apply to marriages prohibited by this chapter." Va. Code Ann. 20-54 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

The exception for persons with less than one-sixteenth "of the blood of the American Indian" is apparently accounted for, in the words of a tract issued by the Registrar of the State Bureau of Vital Statistics, by "the desire of all to recognize as an integral and honored part of the white race the descendants of John Rolfe and Pocahontas . . . ." Plecker, The New Family and Race Improvement, 17 Va. Health Bull., Extra No. 12, at 25-26 (New Family Series No. 5, 1925), cited in Wadlington, The Loving Case: Virginia's Anti-Miscegenation Statute in Historical Perspective, 52 Va. L. Rev. 1189, 1202, n. 93 (1966).

Section 1-14 of the Virginia Code provides:

"Colored persons and Indians defined. - Every person in whom there is ascertainable any Negro blood shall be deemed and taken to be a colored person, and every person not a colored person having one fourth or more of American Indian blood shall be deemed an American Indian; except that members of Indian tribes existing in this Commonwealth having one fourth or more of Indian blood and less than one sixteenth of Negro blood shall be deemed tribal Indians." Va. Code Ann. 1-14 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

These definitions were in practice supplanted when the Virginia Committee adopted the Racial Classification System of the Central Committee in 1963. There is no significant conflict over these definitions for the purpose of this case.

[Footnote 5] Few states continue to resist instituting miscegenation statutes. The State of California's Supreme Court adopted petitioner's argument that the statute violated the Equal Protection Clause in Perez v. Sharp, 32 Cal. 2d 711, 198 P.2d 17 (1948). As the decision of this Court is the 'supreme law of the land', that decision must also be reversed.

 

[Footnote 6] For a historical discussion of Virginia's miscegenation statutes, see Wadlington, supra, n. 4.

[Footnote 7] Va. Code Ann. 20-54 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

[Footnote 8] Va. Code Ann. 20-53 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

[Footnote 9] Va. Code Ann. 20-50 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

[Footnote 10] Va. Code Ann. 20-54 (1960 Repl. Vol.).

[Footnote 11] Appellants point out that the State's concern in these statutes, as expressed in the words of the 1924 Act's title, "An Act to Preserve Racial Integrity," extends only to the integrity of the white race. While Virginia prohibits whites from marrying any nonwhite (subject to the exception for the descendants of Pocahontas), Negroes, Orientals, and any other racial class may intermarry without statutory interference. Appellants contend that this distinction renders Virginia's miscegenation statutes arbitrary and unreasonable even assuming the constitutional validity of an official purpose to preserve "racial integrity." We need not reach this contention because we find the racial classifications in these statutes repugnant to the Fourteenth Amendment, even assuming an even-handed state purpose to protect the "integrity" of all races. [388 U.S. 1, 13]

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"This decision [writes Professor Kennedy] was the first, or perhaps the last step in the elimination of American Constitutional Law, which now occupies the same place in modern jurisprudence as the law of any sufficiently ancient society, contributing chiefly jargon and knotty problems for law students. It would be superfluous to remind the reader of Mr. Justice Stewart's celebrated resignation from the Court only a year later, to join Hugo Black's firm in Georgia. Of course neither he nor Black were ever found after the American Resistance Riots of 1971 turned Atlanta into a fiery hellhole of martial law. Rumors that Black and Stewart were instrumental in organizing the Resistance are almost definitely untrue, but, if they do remain alive somewhere, and they hear of these rumors, I can almost guarantee that they are pleased with them."